景觀—社會學視角下的北京高密度城區兒童游戲專屬和發現空間

（英）海倫·伍利 湯湃＊

1 研究背景

近年來，為兒童提供游樂場的重要性在世界范圍內得到廣泛認同。然而，也有一些與此相悖的觀點不斷出現。其中尤其值得注意的是長期觀察兒童活動的研究者的主張，如Opie等在1969年提出“兒童在哪里，他們就在哪里玩”，社會學研究認為“玩耍是兒童的天性”[1-3]，這些觀點與“兒童專屬游樂場對于兒童成長至關重要”這一傳統理念相悖。

1.1 兒童專屬游戲場地的起源

縱觀兒童游樂場的發展歷程可以發現，在19世紀以前，世界范圍內許多國家都沒有兒童專屬的游樂場，兒童自由自在地在各種地方進行游戲和戶外活動。17世紀末中國清代宮廷畫家楊晉的繪畫作品《百子戲圖》生動地表現了兒童運用各種場地自由玩耍的場景；同樣，1560年彼得·勃魯蓋爾繪制的作品《兒童游戲》中也生動地展現了不拘于地點的兒童游戲的豐富性。而如今，隨著游樂場的發展，在兒童游樂場廣泛分布的背景下，兒童隨處玩耍的現象仍然普遍存在。在世界范圍內，游樂場真正成為兒童游戲的重要空間始于19世紀下半葉。游樂場能夠有效促進兒童心理和身體健康發展[2]并為兒童提供遠離負面社會影響的安全場所[4]，因此得以蓬勃發展。在此之后，20世紀初汽車逐漸成為城市家庭的主流交通方式，引發了大量交通問題，這種對于交通安全問題的擔憂從20世紀30年代[5]持續至21世紀[6-10]。在這樣的背景下，兒童的戶外游戲面臨交通安全隱患的影響，為應對城市現代化發展對兒童生活帶來的負面影響，給兒童提供更加安全的戶外游戲環境，一些國家制定了政策以促進兒童游樂場的建立。例如英格蘭地區1859年頒布了《休閑場地法案》（Recreation Grounds Act），允許劃定一部分城市公共空間僅供兒童游玩[11]。這些對于城市發展問題導致弱勢群體受到不良影響的反思為兒童專屬游戲場地的發展提供了契機。

1.2 兒童專屬游戲場地的發展

在兒童專屬游戲場地發展的最初階段，活動空間被高圍欄圍合，僅設有體育鍛煉器材。之后才逐漸使用了更為豐富多樣的設計方法。英國皇家風景園林學會的第一位院士艾倫夫人（1897—1976）根據不同游樂場的環境特點和建筑材料，將游樂場的發展時代主要劃分為混凝土時代和迷宮時代。這些不同時代的游戲場地反映了“二戰”后混凝土作為一種新型建設材料的日益普及。20世紀下半葉，兒童游樂場引入了新的材料，例如色彩鮮艷的鋼鐵器械和橡膠鋪裝，取代了混凝土設施和柏油鋪裝，盡管圍欄仍然存在，但也逐漸變矮和更豐富多彩。兒童游樂場設置圍欄的最初目的是防止狗進入，后來逐漸演變成將兒童限制在特定區域，最后發展至伍利等學者描述的“工具、圍欄、地毯”（KFC）模式——單一且固化的游樂場空間[12]；此外，其他形式的兒童專屬游戲場地還包括幼兒園的游戲場地、學校操場以及滑板公園等。雖然KFC模式的游樂場地承載兒童多樣游戲的能力十分有限，但至今仍是兒童游戲場地設計的主流方式。而對于高密度城市而言，低承載能力的公共場地被視為是對城市寶貴公共空間資源的浪費。因此，以科學的方法提升城市公共空間服務效能，尤其是專屬于特定人群的活動空間的服務效能是實現可持續城市發展的有效方式。

1.3 兒童發現空間概念

以兒童會在任何地方進行游戲且游戲是兒童的天性為理論基礎，更多研究認為任何形式的兒童專屬游樂場都無法完全滿足兒童日常生活中豐富多樣的游戲需求。自20世紀60年代以來，彼得·歐皮、艾歐娜·歐皮、科林·沃德、羅杰·哈特、羅賓·摩爾等研究者觀察到兒童在特定的游樂場區域以及不為兒童專屬的公共空間進行游戲，并稱后者為“發現空間”[13]。例如，當城市公共空間中常見的樓梯坐人時，即可被視為一種發現空間，因為樓梯的原始功能是上下通行而非停留和就座。因此，兒童發現空間可定義為：功能設定并非兒童游戲，但被兒童用于游戲的空間和場所?，F有研究中記錄的兒童發現空間包括機動車道、人行道、停車場、野生動物區、種植區、圍墻、圍欄和屋頂等。

1.4 以可供性理論為基礎的兒童發現空間研究

可供性理論從一定程度上解釋了兒童使用發現空間進行戶外活動的原因。該理論由吉布森于1986年提出，核心理念是強調個體可以感受到環境所提供的行為潛力，并通過行為活動與環境進行互動[14]。這種對于環境的感知受個體特征以及個體與環境互動方式差異的影響。因此，從對個體行為的作用程度角度來看，可供性可以細化為2個層面：潛在的可供性與已實現的可供性，二者取決于個體是否意識到潛力并采取行動[15]。在后續發展中，可供性理論不僅用于解釋環境影響兒童行為的方式[16-18]，也用以評估場地對于兒童行為的支持和抑制作用[19-21]。因此，在本研究中，可供性理論也用于解釋兒童對于日常生活中多種空間場地的使用偏好。

基于以上背景，本研究聚焦在中國高密度城區中成長的兒童如何使用日常生活中的各類空間。自20世紀80年代以來，中國經歷了快速城市化發展，城市人口數量激增，有限的城市戶外公共空間愈發難以滿足不同年齡段城市居民對于多樣戶外活動的需求，提升戶外公共空間的服務能力成為解決方法之一。不僅如此，2021年頒布的“十四五”規劃首次將“建設兒童友好型城市”正式寫入國家發展規劃[22]；同年10月發布的《關于推進兒童友好城市建設的指導意見》提出在全國范圍內開展100個兒童友好城市建設試點的發展目標[23]。實現這些兒童友好城市建設目標的方法不僅在于為兒童建設更加豐富的游樂場，更在于為兒童營造更加包容友好的日常生活環境。

然而，關于城市兒童如何使用日常生活中各類公共空間的研究尚不足。因此，本研究以北京市高密度城區為例，探究兒童對日常生活中各類戶外空間的使用情況和兒童使用各類空間環境的行為動機，探討更加高效的兒童友好環境營建方法，為創建針對中國城市環境特征的兒童友好環境提出更加科學的建議。

2 研究方法

2.1 研究設計

基于研究目標，本研究重點關注3個方面的問題：1）兒童日常進行游戲的戶外場所包括哪些專屬空間和發現空間？2）兒童為什么選擇發現空間進行游戲？3）如何改進整體環境以提升兒童的戶外游戲體驗？為此，采用景觀—社會學視角，主要通過社會學研究方法進行數據收集，并且依據多源數據對現象進行描述，在此基礎上對現象的形成原因進行解釋[24]。因此，研究方法分為2個步驟：首先，通過與兒童的訪談和交流了解他們日常的戶外游戲方式及進行戶外游戲的空間和場所，對高密度城區中兒童戶外空間的使用現象進行歸納；其次，選取兒童經常提到的戶外活動場地進行行為觀察，記錄兒童的游戲活動方式和場地特征，解釋環境對兒童戶外活動方式的影響機制。這樣不僅可以對環境特征影響兒童戶外游戲方式的機制進行深入探究，也可以為探討高密度城區更加高效的戶外公共空間營造提供更多基于科研數據的解決策略。

2.2 研究區域

本研究選擇兼具代表性和特殊性的北京市什剎海周邊區域進行案例研究。什剎海區域作為著名的歷史文化保護區，區域內施行了保護整治和有機更新相結合的發展策略，歷史風貌得以維護；與此同時，隨著城市化帶來的大規模人口流動，區域內的常住人口與日俱增。在建設管控和人口涌入的共同作用下，什剎海地區逐漸形成了低層建筑、窄街道、高密度人口的空間環境特征。在這樣的環境中，傳統建筑及其周圍有限的半公共和公共戶外空間難以滿足居民的日常戶外活動需求，成為該區域人居環境質量提升面臨的重要問題。

經過前期的走訪調研發現，公園為什剎海區域的居民戶外活動提供了更多的場地，在日常生活中起著非常重要的作用。什剎海區域有3個公園，其中北海公園和景山公園作為皇家園林的代表，是北京市的地標之一，每年吸引數百萬游客前往參觀；不僅如此，這2個公園為居住在高密度中心城區的居民提供了寶貴的綠地空間進行戶外活動。除此之外則是規模較小的后海公園，與熙攘的旅游景點不同，這個公園為周圍的居民提供了一個更為安靜和日常的環境進行休閑和戶外活動（圖1）。

2.3 數據收集

本研究采用訪談和觀察相結合的方式進行數據收集，利用兩種方法的優勢，綜合提高研究結果的準確性，有助于更加全面地理解復雜的社會現象。

大量研究表明面對面的半結構化訪談更有利于準確理解兒童的表達，與兒童更深入探討他們特定行為的潛在動機，是針對兒童群體更為可靠且有效的數據收集方法。為了適應兒童的理解和表達能力，訪談采用了多種特殊形式，包括一對一訪談、焦點小組訪談和照片訪談。其中，一對一訪談和焦點小組訪談是基礎數據收集方法，照片訪談是了解兒童日常環境使用情況的主要數據收集方法，在行為和健康研究中廣泛使用，可以有效記錄和表達個體對場所的體驗和感知[25-26]。根據薩頓-布朗[27]提出的操作流程，本研究的照片訪談主要包括以下步驟：首先，在社區組織的暑期夏令營中招募參與兒童，并向參與兒童提供數碼相機以拍攝他們日常游戲環境的照片（時長為3 d）；接下來，研究人員與兒童一起查看照片并就照片內容進行訪談。整體來說，在調研中共有131名6～12歲兒童參與了一對一訪談或者焦點小組訪談（男孩56人，女孩75人）；這些兒童中表達能力更好、更年長的兒童自愿選擇參加了后續的照片訪談，共有20位8～12歲兒童參與了照片訪談，其中每個年齡均有2位男孩和2位女孩。

行為觀察可以最大限度地減少主觀表達和實際行為之間存在的差異。因此，行為觀察被廣泛用于記錄真實環境中的行為方式[28]。為了更準確地記錄不同場地上發生的多樣化兒童游戲活動，通過系統的行為觀察記錄兒童在戶外空間的行為特征。在開始行為觀察之前，首先對后海公園進行了實地測量，并將公園劃分為2個區域，以便即時記錄兒童的活動；在觀察期間，在地圖上用不同的符號區分男孩和女孩，并在附加的表格里記錄兒童的年齡和游戲活動詳情。在每個觀察區域內，連續觀察記錄5 min，期間每個兒童的游戲活動僅記錄一次。行為觀察在每天17：00—19：00進行，歷時8天（包括4個工作日和4個周末），共計8次觀察。

2.4 數據分析

為全面了解兒童的戶外游戲體驗，數據分析分為2個階段。1）分析訪談所收集的定性數據。訪談的音頻記錄數據在轉錄和翻譯后，利用Nvivo 12軟件對訪談內容進行語義分析。此外，將兒童拍攝的照片以及兒童對照片提供的內容闡釋也整合到Nvivo 12中進一步分析。這些由訪談收集的定性數據共同形成了本研究的基礎質性數據庫。2）通過行為觀察數據探索公共開放空間的可供性。在行為觀察數據收集過程中，每個兒童及其行為方式以不同的符號標記在地圖上，可通過ArcGIS可視化分析，探究空間模式與兒童活動之間的關系。這2個階段的數據分析相輔相成，為深入了解兒童戶外游戲行為及其空間環境的影響作用提供了可靠方式。

3 研究結果

3.1 兒童日常生活范圍內戶外公共空間使用情況

訪談數據顯示兒童在日常生活中利用各種各樣的戶外空間進行活動。豐富多樣的戶外活動場地一定程度上反映了兒童戶外環境使用體驗的多樣性。詞頻分析顯示，在居住區內，兒童經常進行戶外活動的區域包括庭院、家附近的空地、公共空間以及學校操場（圖2）。稍遠一些但步行可達的生活圈里，公園承載了更多的兒童戶外活動，如研究區域內的后海公園和北海公園，是兒童更經常使用的戶外活動場地（圖3）。詞頻分析展示了兒童戶外游戲的空間偏好，揭示了兒童日常生活圈里的公共空間在承載兒童戶外活動方面的重要性。

圖2 居住區范圍游戲場地詞頻分析Word frequency analysis of spaces for play in close-tohome outdoor environment

圖3 生活圈游戲場地詞頻分析Word frequency analysis of spaces for play in further outdoor environment

3.2 居住區范圍的專屬空間和發現空間

通過兒童拍攝的照片可以了解到，高密度城區的兒童戶外活動空間十分有限，他們在居住區附近的各種空間中進行游戲。根據這些空間建設的原始目的，可分為專屬空間和發現空間（圖4）。

圖4 居住區范圍的專屬和發現空間Constructed and found spaces in close-to-home outdoor environment

3.2.1 停車場和道路作為發現空間

在兒童日?；顒臃秶鷥?，停車場是最經常成為承載兒童戶外游戲的發現空間（圖5），其次是居住區內通車的道路（圖6）和人行道（圖7）。相較于車行道，人行道更加適宜兒童進行戶外活動，因為沒有車輛帶來的安全隱患并且能夠與社區綠化所提供的自然元素互動。因此本研究認為社區人行道在為兒童提供戶外游戲空間以及提供兒童與自然互動的機會方面有更好的作用和效果，提升居住區公共綠地和社區的人行道設計可以為兒童提供更多日常戶外游戲場地。

圖5 兒童拍攝的停車場作為戶外活動場地的照片Photos taken by children showing car parking as play spaces

圖6 由兒童拍攝的車行道路作為戶外活動場地的照片Photos taken by children showing vehicle accessible road as play spaces

圖7 由兒童拍攝的步行道路作為戶外活動場地的照片Photos taken by children showing pavements as play spaces

3.2.2 廣場和綠地作為靈活空間

居住區內的廣場作為人行道的延伸，為全齡人群的戶外活動提供了空間。對于兒童來說，這些廣場可以進行包括踏板車騎行、球類游戲、追逐和奔跑等較高強度的體力活動（圖8）。但這些公共空間并非兒童專屬，不同年齡階段的人群在共享使用場地時，有不同的偏好和需求，活動時間的重疊在一定程度上可能導致不同年齡群體的活動內容互相影響。尤其對于兒童而言，廣場雖然為戶外體力活動提供了空間，但由于廣場并非兒童專屬，在與年長的住區居民共享使用廣場時，兒童在一定程度上會處于弱勢地位。

圖8 由兒童拍攝的廣場作為戶外活動場地的照片Photos taken by children showing squares as play spaces

此外，在居住區內可進入的綠地同樣是兒童會使用的游戲空間（圖9）。這些綠地為城市兒童提供了與自然元素互動的寶貴機會，無論是葉子、花朵、土壤還是沙子，這些的自然元素被兒童視為有趣和愉悅的游戲體驗。

圖9 由兒童拍攝的綠地作為戶外活動場地的照片Photos taken by children showing squares as play spaces

3.2.3 游樂場作為專屬空間

在兒童的日常生活范圍內兒童專屬的游戲空間主要包括配備有體育鍛煉設施或游戲設施的游樂場（圖10）。這些游樂場的建造目的主要是促進和承載兒童的戶外游戲，雖然一些游樂場配備的主要是為成年人提供的體育鍛煉設施，但這些空間也吸引了大量兒童并被兒童視為為他們建造的戶外活動場地。

圖10 由兒童拍攝的有體育鍛煉設施或游戲設施的游樂場照片Photos taken by children showing playground with physical exercise facilities and play facilities as play spaces

整體來說，照片訪談收集的數據展現了兒童在日常生活范圍內對戶外空間的多樣化利用情況。從停車場中的非正式游戲空間到專屬兒童的戶外游樂場，其多樣化的場地和設施，為兒童的戶外游戲提供了不同程度和層次的機會。雖然只有部分空間更適合兒童進行戶外游戲，較多空間存在缺陷甚至安全隱患，但對于居住在北京市中心地區的兒童而言，這些已然是最易接觸到的戶外空間了。

3.3 公園中的專屬空間和發現空間

依據訪談結果，后海公園是研究區域兒童最喜愛的戶外活動場地之一（圖3）。根據在該公園進行行為觀察得到的數據，公園所有空間中最受兒童歡迎的游戲場地是2個鋪設了橡膠地墊的游樂場以及有樹蔭遮蔽的硬質鋪裝小廣場。其中，鋪設橡膠地墊的游樂場為兒童提供了平坦的開敞空間，適宜進行追逐奔跑等活動；而硬質廣場則為兒童提供了更為安靜的空間，適宜進行靜態游戲。此外，硬質廣場東側角落設置有搖搖車等簡單的游樂設施，深受低齡兒童的喜愛，象棋桌則吸引了一些年長兒童。除了這些專屬空間，公園不同區域連接處的斜坡則適于進行騎自行車、滑滑板和輪滑等活動（圖11）。這些行為觀察結果表明，可在公園的不同空間提供不同設施，營造各式游戲場所氛圍，服務于不同類型的兒童游戲活動。為了更加深入地理解空間布局與兒童對這些空間使用方式之間的關系，本研究繼續從年齡差異的角度探究兒童空間使用情況的差異。

圖11 兒童在后海公園里的空間分布密度Spatial density distribution of children in Houhai Park

根據在后海公園進行兒童行為觀察記錄的年齡分布圖（圖12），年齡較小的兒童（＜6歲）是在公園中進行戶外活動的最主要兒童群體，集中在平坦的橡膠地墊游樂場、硬質鋪裝小廣場和通往坡道的人行道區域。相反，相對年齡較大的兒童（6～9歲）群體較少光顧公園里的游樂場，而且對簡單、固定的游樂設施興趣低迷，他們愿意與同齡人在整個公園中進行追逐和奔跑等較高強度的體力活動。對于年齡更大一些的兒童（9～11歲），下棋或觀棋是他們在公園中最經常進行的活動。因此，兒童對空間的選擇和使用取決于活動內容，并受到場地可供性和年齡影響。年齡較小的兒童喜愛平坦的場地和固定的游戲設施；而年齡較大的兒童更需要能支持體力活動的場地，并在場地中發掘出更具挑戰性的游戲方式，因此他們會更多利用發現空間來創造新的游戲體驗。

圖12 分齡兒童空間分布密度Spatial distribution density of children in different age groups

4 討論

在高密度城區戶外公共空間緊缺的背景下，兒童表現出了極強的適應性，他們利用日常生活環境中的各種空間和場地進行戶外游戲活動，這樣的現象和已有研究所探討的情況相類似[3,29-31]。依據兒童進行戶外活動的場地設置目的是否專為承載兒童戶外活動[13]，這些多樣的場地可以分為專屬空間、靈活空間以及發現空間3種類型。相較于存在安全隱患的發現空間，配備有固定游戲設備和平坦地面的專屬空間由于其可供性和安全保護設計，更加適合兒童進行戶外游戲。但是這些簡單的游樂場由于僅能為低齡兒童提供有限的游戲機會，從一定程度上導致空間資源的浪費[12]。

高密度城市環境中的專屬于兒童的游戲空間通常位于住宅區或公園里，配置的游戲設施常吸引兒童聚集。專屬空間中常配置的設施大致可分為2種：一是為低齡兒童設計的固定游戲器材，如滑梯和秋千等；二是為成年人設計的戶外健身器材，比如單杠和漫步機等。然而，兒童群體通常會將成年人戶外健身器材當作鼓勵兒童使用的游戲設施，雖然為大齡兒童提供了更具挑戰性的游戲機會，但使用不當時也存在安全隱患。在城市公園中，橡膠地墊區域被低齡兒童視為理想游戲場地，簡易設施因即時和簡單的游戲機會能吸引較大年齡兒童停駐，但這樣的可供性也讓大齡兒童失去興趣，從而尋找其他發現空間進行更有挑戰性的戶外活動[18,32-33]。

這也一定程度上解釋了兒童經常使用日常環境中更靈活的空間（如廣場和綠地）來進行游戲的原因。盡管這些空間缺乏專門設備，但各個年齡的兒童都會在這些靈活的空間里進行戶外游戲。雖然這些空間設計的初衷不是活動場地，但其平坦而開敞的特性更加適合兒童進行中高強度的體力活動，包括跑步、跳躍、騎行和滑板騎行等[2]。

城市中心地區的發現空間是因兒童創造性地發現和利用了這些環境中的游戲機會而生成[14,34]。這也在本研究中得到了證實，后海公園里用于通行的坡道，特別受大齡兒童喜愛，是他們騎行和滑板的加速坡道；停車場和車行道等存在潛在安全隱患的空間，也承載了兒童日常戶外游戲活動。然而，這些場地中的安全隱患會影響父母以及兒童選擇戶外活動空間，一定程度上阻礙了兒童進行更加多樣的戶外游戲。

總之，北京高密度城區缺乏戶外公共空間，難以支持兒童多樣化的戶外活動[18,35]。不僅如此，設計形式單一的兒童專屬游樂場也無法為多年齡階段的兒童提供豐富的游戲機會，一定程度上造成了稀缺空間資源的浪費。而兒童自主開發使用的大量發現空間卻因安全隱患，加重了家長對于兒童戶外活動安全的擔憂，從而限制兒童進行更加多樣的戶外游戲行為。

5 建議

為了讓高密度城市環境更加兒童友好，本研究提出以下建議。1）兒童的游戲場不應設置邊界，整個城市都可以成為他們的游樂場。因此，設計和開發各種游戲空間至關重要，綜合考慮兒童專屬的游樂場、靈活的開放空間、可供發現和使用的公共空間，以滿足不同年齡段兒童的多樣化需求和偏好，這也是實現兒童友好城市環境營造的重要內容。2）對于兒童專屬的游戲場地設計應更具包容性，應考慮不同年齡階段兒童的游戲偏好和場地需求。3）對于配有成人健身器材但被兒童認為是專屬游樂場的地方，應該對健身器材進行有效的安全管控以降低潛在的危險，同時使兒童能夠享受具有一定挑戰性的游戲體驗。4）對于可被更多年齡群體使用的靈活空間，關鍵在于創建滿足整個社區需求的具有包容性的多功能區域，尤其是公園和公共廣場應為游戲、運動、社交聚會等各種活動提供場地而設計，并且營造友好的社會氛圍，鼓勵不同年齡組共享，可以最大化公共空間服務潛力。5）對于發現空間，解決交通安全問題（包括改善行人通行條件、在游戲區周圍設立安全區域、實施機動車交通管理）可以減小發現空間最主要面臨的安全隱患?？傊?，城市公共戶外空間應當更好地滿足城市兒童多樣化的戶外活動需求，促進兒童進行體力活動，支持兒童認知發展，并為所有居民創造更安全、更健康的戶外環境。

圖片來源：

圖1～4、11、12由作者繪制；圖5～10由受訪兒童拍攝。

（編輯 / 李清清）

作者簡介：

（英）海倫·伍利 / 女 / 謝菲爾德大學風景園林系主任、教授 / 英國皇家風景園林協會成員 / GUIC國際研究組中國研究組組長 / 研究方向為城市公共綠色空間，重點關注兒童的戶外空間

湯湃 / 女 / 博士 / 同濟大學建筑與城市規劃學院博士后 /GUIC國際研究組成員 / 研究方向為兒童友好型城市環境營造通信作者郵箱：20310251@#edu.cn

WOOLLEY H, TANG P.Children’s Constructed and Found Play Spaces in High-Density Areas of Beijing: A Landscape - Sociology Perspective[J].Landscape Architecture, 2024, 31(2): 19-31.DOI: 10.3724/j.fjyl.202311210526.

Children’s Constructed and Found Play Spaces in High-Density Areas of Beijing: A Landscape - Sociology Perspective

(UK) Woolley Helen, TANG Pai＊

Abstract:[Objective] Children have the innate ability to play almost anywhere.This study delves into how children creatively adapt to various urban outdoor play spaces in the high-density areas of Beijing.[Methods] Using the lens of landscape sociology, the research conducted a case study in the Shichahai area, employing data collection methods such as interviews, photo-voice, and behavior mappings to collect data about children’s daily use of outdoor environments.[Results] Based on the field research data, children's frequently used outdoor spaces can be classified into three types which are constructed,flexible and found spaces.Multiple lines of evidence point to the fact that constructed playgrounds with fixed equipment, though often criticized for constraining older children’s play opportunities, provide a structured and secure environment.However, safety concerns arise when children utilize adult exercise equipment inappropriately.These playgrounds are typically located in gated residential areas or central urban parks.Conversely, parks often feature rubber carpet playgrounds that younger children favor.Flexible spaces, such as squares and accessible green spaces, serve a wide age range due to their open design, accommodating highly physical activities like running, jumping,and cycling.Nevertheless, ensuring conflict-free access for children presents a challenge.Found spaces, while not originally intended for children, are frequently utilized despite potential safety risks, particularly in areas like car parking lots and vehicle access pavements.[Conclusion] Based on the research results, several recommendations are proposed.These suggestions aim to help urban areas cater to the diverse play needs of children, promote physical activity, support cognitive development, and create a safer and more engaging outdoor environment for all residents.

Keywords:high-density areas; child-friendly; affordance; found space; outdoor space

?BeijingLandscape ArchitectureJournal Periodical Office Co., Ltd.Published byLandscape ArchitectureJournal.This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license.

1 Research Background

For many years, societies around the world have emphasized the importance of providing children with playgrounds for recreational activities.However, contrasting perspectives challenge this conventional belief.Notably, long-standing observers of children, such as Opie e.g.in 1969,have asserted that “Where children are is where they play”, while a sociological viewpoint posits that “play is the nature of childhood”[1-3].These assertions suggest an alternative perspective to the widely held societal belief that structured playgrounds are essential for supporting children’s play.progressed, various approaches were adopted.Lady Allen of Hurtwood (1897-1976), the first Fellow of the Landscape Institute in the UK, categorized different playground eras based on their characteristics and construction materials, including the concrete era and the maze period.These changes reflected the growing use of concrete as a new material post-World War II.In the latter half of the 20th century, playgrounds incorporated additional materials, such as brightly colored steel equipment and rubber surfaces, which replaced concrete and tarmac.While the need for fencing these spaces persisted, the fences became shorter and more colorful.Initially, fences were designed to keep dogs out but later evolved into structures aimed at containing children within the defined playground area, exemplifying what Woolley[12]referred to as the “Kit, Fence, Carpet” (KFC)approach to playgrounds — a meticulously constructed space.Other dedicated spaces designed for children include nursery playgrounds, school playgrounds, and skateboard parks.The KFC-style playgrounds of this kind still remain the mainstream approach in the design of children’s

1.1 The Origin of Constructed Play Spaces for Children

It is worth noting that in the past,playgrounds did not exist in many countries, and children roamed freely for recreation, a practice still prevalent in some parts of the world.This historical fact is exemplified in artworks likeOne Hundred Children at Playby Yang Jin, who was a court painter in the late 17th century andChildren’s Gamesby Pieter Bruegel the elder in 1560, which vividly capture the richness of children’s play.The latter part of the 19th century witnessed the emergence of playgrounds as a central space for children’s recreation in numerous regions across the globe.These developments were motivated by the belief that playgrounds could enhance children’s moral and physical development[2]and provide a safe haven from negative social influences[4].The advent of automobiles in the early 20th century introduced traffic concerns, dating back to the 1930s[5], a concern that persisted through the 20th century and into the 21st century[6-10].To address these concerns, some countries introduced legislation to facilitate the establishment of playgrounds.In England, theRecreation Grounds Act(1859) permitted the allocation of urban spaces for children’s play[11].These reflections on the adverse effects brought about by urban development issues on vulnerable groups in the city provide an opportunity for the development of playgrounds for children.

1.2 The Development of Constructed Play Spaces for Children

Initially, these spaces featured gymnasium equipment enclosed by high fences, but as time play areas, even though their capacity to accommodate a variety of children’s games is very limited.Especially for high-density cities worldwide today, low-capacity public spaces can be seen as a waste of valuable urban public space resources.Therefore, enhancing the service efficiency of urban public spaces, especially those dedicated to specific groups, through scientific methods is an effective way to achieve sustainable urban development.

1.3 The Introduction of Children’s Found Spaces

Considering the assertions that children play wherever they are and that play is inherent to childhood, it is clear that constructed spaces, of any kind, may not cater to the full spectrum of play that children engage in.Since the 1960s, various researchers, including Peter Opie and Iona Opie,Colin Ward, Roger Hart, and Robin Moore, have observed children engaging in play not only in designated areas but also in what we term “found spaces”[13].Common examples include steps in urban settings, which are typically used for sitting rather than their intended function of ascending and descending.Found spaces are areas originally designed for a different purpose but repurposed by children for play.Children have been observed using a wide range of found spaces, such as roads,paved areas, car parks, wildlife areas, planted areas,walls, fences, and flat garage roofs.None of these were designed with children’s play in mind, making them genuine “found spaces”.

1.4 Research on Children’s Found Spaces Based on the Theory of Affordance

Furthermore, the theory of affordance provides insight into why children use outdoor spaces not specifically designed for them as places for play.Gibson introduced the concept of affordance, suggesting that individuals can interact with their environment in ways they perceive as possible, beyond the environment’s original design[14].This perception is influenced by individual characteristics and how they match the elements of the environment.Affordances can be potential or actualized, depending on whether an individual recognizes the potential and acts on it[15].In subsequent developments, the affordance theory is not only used to explain how the environment influences children’s behaviour[16-18], but also employed to assess the supportive and inhibitory effects of the environment on children’s behaviour[19-21].Therefore, in this study, the affordance theory will also be used to explain children’s preferences for the use of various spatial environments in daily life.

Based on the above research background, this study focuses on how children growing up in highdensity urban areas in China utilize various types of spaces in their daily lives.Since the 1980s, China has undergone rapid urbanization, with a significant increase in urban population.The limited outdoor public spaces in cities have become increasingly inadequate to meet the diverse outdoor activity needs of residents of different age groups.Enhancing the service capacity of outdoor public spaces has become one of the methods to address this issue.Furthermore, the “14th Five-Year Plan”enacted in 2021 officially incorporates the goal of“building child-friendly cities” into the national development plan[22].In October of the same year, theGuiding Opinions on Promoting the Construction of Child-Friendly Citieswas issued, proposing the development goal of carrying out 100 pilot projects for the construction of child-friendly cities nationwide[23].Achieving these goals for childfriendly city construction not only involves creating more diverse playgrounds for children but also involves cultivating a more inclusive and friendly daily living environment for them.

However, despite these efforts, there is still limited knowledge about how children use various types of public spaces in their daily lives within the city.Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore, using the high-density urban areas of Beijing as an example, the usage patterns of various outdoor spaces by children in their daily lives, the behavioral motivations behind children’s use of different spatial environments, and to further discuss more efficient methods for creating childfriendly environments.The goal is to provide scientifically grounded recommendations for childfriendly environment creation tailored to the characteristics of urban environments in China.

2 Methodology

2.1 Research Design

Based on the research objectives, this study focuses on three main research questions: 1) What outdoor spaces, including exclusive and discovery spaces, do children use for daily play? 2) Why do children choose discovery spaces for play? 3) How can the overall environment be improved to enhance children’s outdoor play experience? To address these research questions, the study adopts a landscape sociology perspective in its research design.It primarily conducts data collection through sociological research methods and, based on diverse data sources, describes the phenomenon.On this basis, an explanation is provided for the causes of the phenomenon[24].The methodology is structured in a two-step process:firstly, conducting interviews with children to gain their perspectives on outdoor play experiences,with a particular focus on the places they frequently use for various outdoor activities.This approach enables a comprehensive understanding of children’s use of various locations within their surroundings, in the high-density urban areas.Subsequently, observations are conducted in the places most frequently mentioned by the majority of children to document various play activities and explore the affordance of each location.This twostep process not only provides insights into children’s play but also allows for an exploration of age-related differences in their use of found spaces.

2.2 Case study areas

This study conducts a case study in the distinctive yet representative Shichahai area in Beijing.Known for its historical and cultural significance, the region has implemented a strategy combining preservation and organic development.Due to the massive population influx brought about by urbanization, the resident population within the area has been steadily increasing.Under the combined influence of construction management and population influx, the Shichahai area has gradually developed spatial characteristics such as low-rise buildings, narrow streets, and high population density.In this situation, traditional buildings and limited outdoor spaces struggle to meet residents’ daily needs, posing a significant challenge for enhancing the overall living environment quality in the region.

During the pilot study, it was found that parks play a crucial role in providing more outdoor spaces for residents in the Shichahai area, serving as essential venues for daily activities in their lives.Within the Shichahai area, three parks stand out,with Beihai Park and Jingshan Park being iconic landmarks in Beijing.These parks attract millions of visiting tourists annually and, importantly,provide residents with valuable public green spaces to engage in outdoor activities in the densely populated inner-city environment.While the touristcrowded areas within these parks are attractions for visitors.In addition to these renowned tourist destinations, Houhai Park, although smaller in scale, offers residents a public green space for their daily outdoor activities.Differing from the bustling tourist areas, this park provides a quieter and more regular environment for residents to enjoy casual outdoor activities (Fig.1).

2.3 Data Collection

The primary data collection strategy involves a synthesis of interviews and observations,leveraging the strengths of both methods to enhance the accuracy of research results.This approach aids in gaining a more comprehensive understanding of complex social phenomena.

圖1 The case study areas

In comparison to questionnaires, semistructured interviews conducted face-to-face with children provide a more effective means of following up on interesting responses and investigating underlying motives.Interviews prove invaluable in clarifying children’s comprehension and elucidating vague answers.To accommodate children’s varying comprehension levels and developmental characteristics, interviews are conducted in several specialized formats, including one-on-one interviews, focus groups, and the utilization of photo-voice, with the help from neighborhood committee.Photo-voice serves as the primary data collection method for understanding children’s use of their daily environment.This method, widely employed in behavioral and health research, is an effective way to document and communicate an individual’s unique experiences of different places[25-26].Following the guidelines proposed by Sutton-Brown[27], several steps are undertaken when employing photo-voice.Child participants,recruited from summer schools, are provided with digital cameras to capture photos of their daily play environments for three days.Subsequently, they meet with the researcher to discuss the photographs.In summary, a total of 131 children aged 6 to 12 participated in the interviews during the research (56 boys and 75 girls).Among these children, those with better expressive abilities,older age, and a willingness to participate in photo interviews were invited for the photo interviews.In the end, a total of 20 children aged 8 to 12 participated in the photo interviews, with each age group having 2 boys and 2 girls.

Observations can mitigate discrepancies between what individuals describe and what they actually do.Thus, observation proves to be a more effective method for recording activities in realworld settings[28].To document children’s diverse play activities, behavior mapping is systematically employed to assess children’s behavior within the physical characteristics of outdoor areas.Before commencing behavior mapping, Houhai Park is mapped through field measurements.The park is divided into two areas to facilitate immediate observations and record children’s activities.During on-site observations, boys and girls are distinguished with different symbols on the map,and their apparent age, along with a description of their activities, is recorded on a separate form.In each observation area, continuous observations were recorded for 5 minutes, with each child’s play activity being documented only once during that period.Behavioral observations took place between 5 pm and 7 pm each day, totaling 8 sessions throughout the study.The entire research spanned 8 days, covering 4 weekdays and 4 weekends.

圖2 Word frequency analysis of spaces for play in close-to-home outdoor environment

圖3 Word frequency analysis of spaces for play in further outdoor environment

圖4 Constructed and found spaces in close-to-home outdoor environment

2.4 Data Analysis

The data analysis in this research unfolds in two distinct stages, providing a comprehensive understanding of children’s outdoor play experiences.1) Analysis of qualitative data collected from interviews: After transcribing and translating the audio recordings of interviews, semantic analysis of the interview content is conducted using Nvivo 12 software.Additionally, photos taken by children as part of the photo-voice method are linked to the respective interviews.These photos,along with the interpretational notes provided by the children, are integrated into the Nvivo platform, facilitating further refinement and organization during the data analysis process.These qualitative data, obtained through direct communication with the participants, collectively form the fundamental database for this research.2) Exploration of the availability of public open spaces through behavioral observation data:During the process of collecting behavioral observation data, each child and their behavior are marked on the map with different symbols.Through ArcGIS visualization analysis, the spatial patterns and relationships between children’s activities are explored.By structuring the data analysis into these two stages, the research not only captures the richness of children’s experiences but also offers a nuanced understanding of the physical environments in which these experiences occur.

3 Results

3.1 Children’s Use of Outdoor Public Spaces in Daily Lives

Based on the insights gathered through interviews, it becomes evident that children utilize a diverse range of outdoor spaces in their daily lives.A multitude of locations are frequently mentioned by the children, reflecting the breadth of their outdoor play experiences.Upon closer examination, a word frequency analysis highlights specific areas near their homes that children frequently use.These areas include courtyards,spaces near their homes, residential areas, and schoolyards (Fig.2).Children tend to frequent these spaces for their outdoor activities.Additionally, when children venture further from their homes, parks emerge as key destinations, with two specific parks, which are Houhai Park and Beihai Park, being particularly popular choices among the children (Fig.3).This analysis sheds light on the preferences and patterns of children’s outdoor play, revealing the significance of both immediate surroundings and accessible public spaces in their daily lives.

3.2 Constructed and Found Spaces in Close-to-Home Outdoor Environment

Children living in the densely populated innercity region of Beijing contend with limited outdoor spaces, leading them to seek various areas close to home for play.These spaces can be categorized as found spaces and constructed play spaces based on their original purposes (Fig.4).

3.2.1 Car Parking and Road as the Found Spaces

Among these diverse outdoor play spaces within children’s daily range, the most informal found spaces around their homes are often intended for car parking (Fig.5).Additionally,vehicle-accessible roads in residential areas are frequently mentioned as found places where children engage in play (Fig.6).Furthermore,pavements, free from vehicle traffic (Fig.7),expand children’s play experiences, fostering interaction with natural elements.These vehiclefree pavements, integral to their play routine,significantly contribute to outdoor activities.Children’s photos highlight not only the role of these pavements as play spaces but also their function as green areas in newly constructed residential neighborhoods.Notably, vehicle-free pavements extend beyond public green spaces; in hutong communities, they play a crucial role in providing daily outdoor play areas near children’s homes.

3.2.2 Square and Accessible Green Spaces as the Flexible Spaces

圖5 Photos taken by children showing car parking as play spaces

圖6 Photos taken by children showing vehicle accessible road as play spaces

圖7 Photos taken by children showing pavements as play spaces

圖8 Photos taken by children showing squares as play spaces

圖9 Photos taken by children showing squares as play spaces

圖10 Photos taken by children showing playground with physical exercise facilities and play facilities as play spaces

The squares within residential areas can be regarded as an extension of roads, offering open spaces for communal gatherings and shared activities.For children, these squares facilitate physical play, including activities such as scooter riding, ball games, chasing, and running (Fig.8).However, the shared nature of these spaces,accommodating various age groups with different preferences and needs, can sometimes lead to conflicts over the allocation of time and activity choices.While these squares provide children with ample space for outdoor physical activities, they must often compete with older community members for access to these resources.This lack of priority in using shared spaces puts children at a disadvantage in their attempts to utilize these squares for play, particularly when competing with adults and other age groups.

Furthermore, accessible green spaces within residential areas are another type of play space identified by children (Fig.9).These green areas offer urban children the valuable experience of interacting with natural elements, be it leaves, flowers,soil, or sand.Such natural play experiences are perceived as special and enjoyable by the children.

3.2.3 Playground as the Constructed Spaces

Formal constructed outdoor play spaces within the habitual range predominantly consist of playgrounds, which are equipped with physical exercise facilitiesor fixed play structures (Fig.10).These playgrounds serve to promote and facilitate various play behaviors.It’s worth noting that some playgrounds are equipped with sports and exercise facilities designed primarily for adults, but these spaces attract a considerable number of children.

The data gathered through photo-voice underscore the diverse nature of children’s daily use of spaces within their habitual range, ranging from informal play areas amidst car parking to formally designed children’s playgrounds.These varied play spaces offer distinct affordances,presenting children with various play opportunities and facilities.While some of these spaces are better suited for play, others exhibit limitations and potential safety risks.Despite these variations,these places remain the most accessible outdoor spaces for children residing in the central area of Beijing.

3.3 Constructed and Found Spaces in Parks

Based on the data collected through interviews, it is evident that Houhai Park offers several spaces highly favored by children (Fig.3).Among these preferred play areas, the most popular choices include the two rubber carpet playgrounds and the square adjacent to the large rubber carpet playground.The rubber carpet playgrounds provide children with ample flat ground for activities like chasing and running,while the tree-shaded square offers more secluded spaces conducive to stationary play.At the eastern corner of the square, kiddie rides are a hit among younger children.Additionally, the Chinese chess table appeals to some older children, while the slope bridging the level difference between different sections of the park is an excellent location for activities involving bicycles, scooters,and roller skates (Fig.11).These descriptions of space utilization within Houhai Park emphasize that different areas within the park offer varying atmospheres and are equipped with different facilities, providing distinct levels of affordance to support children’s play activities.To better comprehend the relationship between spatial arrangements and children’s use of these areas, it is essential to consider the spatial preferences of children across different age groups.

圖11 Spatial distribution density of children in Houhai Park

圖12 Spatial distribution density of children in different age groups

On the basis of the age distributions of children observed in Houhai Park (Fig.12), it reveals that younger children, those under six years old, make up the largest group.They tend to gravitate towards the flat rubber carpet playgrounds, the square adjacent to the large carpet playground, and the pavement leading to the slope.Conversely, older children, those over six years old,are less frequent visitors to the park and show reduced interest in the simple, fixed play facilities such as kiddie rides.Instead, they engage more with their peers in activities like chasing and running throughout the entire park, as indicated in Figures 8.For even older children, aged 9 to 11,playing chess emerges as their most frequently observed use of the park.Therefore, it can be seen that the choice of areas within Houhai Park largely depends on the specific activities children engage in, influenced by both the available facilities and the children’s age.Younger children tend to favor the flat carpet playgrounds and the fixed play facilities, while older children who seek more challenging, physically demanding activities find opportunities in informal play spaces to create new play experiences.

4 Discussion

Children exhibit remarkable adaptability,utilizing a wide array of spaces and places within their daily environment for play activities, in the high-density areas of Beijing, as evidenced by prior research[3,29-31].According to whether they have been designed especially for children[13], the places are described by identifying as them constructed,flexible or found play spaces.Comparing these different types of play space, the constructed playgrounds equipped with fixed play equipment and rubber carpet ground are more suitable for sustaining children’s play, providing protection and facilities for encouraging play, though these playgrounds are also criticized as only providing limited play opportunities[12].

For the constructed play spaces, in the high density urban central area, constructed playgrounds are usually located in gated residential area or parks.Within these playgrounds, the fixed play equipment are of two distinctive types: fixed play facilities for young children, such as slides and swings; and fixed exercise facilities for adults.Interestingly, in residential areas, children perceive the exercise facilities designed for adult physical exercise as play equipment, offering older children more challenging play opportunities.However,these facilities carry the potential risk of safety hazards when used inappropriately.In contrast,parks often feature rubber carpet playgrounds that are easily recognized by younger children as ideal play spaces, particularly those under six years old.Simple fixed play equipment, such as kiddie rides and chess tables, attract children by providing straightforward and immediate play opportunities.However, older children tend to lose interest in these basic play options, seeking more stimulating and challenging activities[18,32-33].

Beyond constructed playgrounds, children frequently use more flexible spaces within their daily environment, such as squares and accessible green spaces.Although these areas lack fixed equipment designed specifically for children,individuals of all age groups engage in play there.Children may not be the primary users of these spaces, yet their flat and open nature accommodates highly physical play activities, including running,jumping, cycling, and scooter riding[2].

Found spaces in central areas are not intended for children’s use, but children creatively discover and apply play opportunities within these environments[14,34].As evidenced by this research,these found places are frequently utilized by children.For example, slopes bridging different levels in places like Houhai Park are especially favored by older children, serving as speed-up slopes for bicycle riding and scooter play.Despite potential safety risks, particularly in areas like car parking spaces and vehicle access pavements, as reported during photo-voice sessions, children find ways to utilize these available spaces in their surroundings.The risk of traffic-related dangers can impact parents’ and children’s perceptions,potentially hindering outdoor play.

To conclude, for children residing in densely populated central areas of Beijing, the available play spaces in their daily environment often fall short in providing diverse affordance[18,35]to promote and sustain play.Constructed playgrounds may not offer adequate opportunities for older children.Flexible spaces, shared across age groups, may not actively encourage children’s play and can limit their utilization.The potential safety risks associated with found spaces can amplify parental concerns, potentially curbing children’s outdoor play.

5 Suggestion

To create a more child-friendly urban environment, we propose several recommendations based on the research findings.Firstly, children’s play knows no bounds, and the entire urban environment can serve as their playground.Hence,it is imperative to design and develop a variety of play spaces within urban settings, encompassing constructed playgrounds, flexible open spaces, and found areas, to cater to the diverse needs and preferences of children across various age groups.For constructed spaces, formal playground designs should be more inclusive, considering children of different age groups.Additionally, implementing effective safety measures in constructed playgrounds, especially those equipped with equipment intended for adults, can help mitigate potential hazards while still enabling older children to enjoy challenging play experiences.Regarding flexible spaces, the goal is to create multifunctional areas that meet the needs of the entire community.Parks and public squares should be designed to accommodate a range of activities,including play, sports, social gatherings, and more.Encouraging shared usage of public spaces among different age groups can maximize the potential of these flexible areas.This approach ensures that children can partake in play activities without conflicts with other users.As for found spaces,addressing traffic safety concerns involves improving pedestrian access, establishing secure zones around play areas, and implementing trafficcalming measures to minimize risks associated with found spaces near roads and vehicle access points.In summary, by implementing these recommendations, urban areas can better accommodate the diverse play needs of children,promote physical activity, support cognitive development, and contribute to a safer, more engaging outdoor environment for all residents.

Sources of Figures:

Fig.1-4, 11, 12 were down by authors; Fig.5-10 were captured by participating children during the interview.

(Editor / LI Qingqing)

Authors:

Helen Woolley (UK) is director of and professor in the Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Sheffield, and a fellow of the Landscape Institute and the Royal Society of Arts, and team leader of the GUIC(Growing Up in City) International Program in China.Her research focuses on green and open spaces with an emphasis on children’s outdoor environments.

TANG Pai, Ph.D., is a postdoctoral researcher in the College of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, and a member of the GUIC (Growing Up in City)International Program.Her research focuses on childfriendly urban planning and design.

Corresponding author Email: 20310251@#edu.cn